Legitimate doubts about Spain's management of European funds
BarcelonaNow that the blockade of Hungary and Poland has been overcome, the good news that the European Commission has finally given the green light to aid to tackle the economic crisis caused by the pandemic has once again spurred the debate on how these funds will be distributed in Spain. We are talking about a maximum of €140bn, of which €72.7bn will be non-returnable subsidies and the rest (€67.3bn), loans. For months the delay in the activation of these subsidies, which are now expected to start arriving in June, has distressed the political and business world, which has been very much affected by the ravages of the covid-19. Now the concern is what the criteria will be for deciding and, therefore, where the millions of euros will go that must allow the economy to be reactivated and modernised in accordance with European guidelines. These revolve around green economy, energy and transport, on the one hand; and the digital transition, with emphasis on data processing, computing and artificial intelligence on the other. But beyond this generic programme, what will the Spanish government's decision-making mechanics really be like? This is where there is concern.
As planned, the distribution of European funds will be based on the projects presented by the EU member states. Therefore, the projects of the Catalan economy will have to pass through the filter of the Spanish Government. Both the Catalan Government and Barcelona City Council have created their own taskforces to channel and encourage Catalan proposals. It is a relevant and crucial work, which according to the economic agents involved, is listening to society. Afterwards, it will be necessary to see how strong and influential they are in promoting these proposals and projects in Madrid. In any case, the warning that the College of Economists made this Tuesday, arising from a survey among its members, is legitimate and reasonable: the historical and not so historical precedents invite to distrust the neutrality and efficiency of the Spanish government. It is feared it will carry out a policy which is neither sufficiently transparent nor diligent, neither objective nor transversal. And then there is the recurrent fear that centralisation will once again weigh on the balance sheet, so that, for example, the fabric of small and medium-sized enterprises, so present in Catalonia, will be damaged.
Be that as it may, the technical and political work of both the Catalan administrations and the business, economic and trade union associations, as well as the political groups with strength in the Spanish parliament, will be crucial in the coming months. The more coordination and harmony there is between the different agents, the better. The country's economic vitality for the next decade depends on obtaining European funds. Missing this train would condemn Catalonia to a difficult survival or, at least, to be left behind in terms of green and digital modernity. Catalan social and business dynamism needs this injection to regain its momentum and to be able to refocus its future.
