We have to do a better job connecting our debates on the relations between Catalonia and Spain with the process of the construction of Europe. It’s easy to see that, over the past few years, we have seen a growth in our desire for more independence or a greater capacity for self-rule. At the same time, we have observed a clear decrease in the desire for more integration within a united Europe. It seems as if the calls for sovereignty are on one side of the scales and those for unity with Europe, on the other. The impulse of the former, which I largely understand and share, has coincided with, or provoked, a decline of the latter, a situation that is dangerous. What do I perceive and what worries me?
Impotence (1). The increase in desire for sovereignty throughout Europe has a lot to do with a feeling of impotence in the fight against the economic crisis. For many years, here in Catalonia we used to confuse the desire for sovereignty with aspirations for independence, and it was based mainly on our sense of cultural identity. While this reason is still valid, I believe that there are many now who think that, regardless of our identity, if we increased our capability to resolve our problems with more political and financial resources, we would do better. This is a very understandable feeling, whether it is true or not. The prolongation of the economic crisis and the political paralysis have reinforced the yearning for sovereignty which, in the absence of alternatives due to Madrid’s attitude, has fueled the independence movement, in spite of the inconveniences and difficulties presented by this path.
Impotence (2). It’s clear that the real power of most modern states in economic and financial policy has decreased dramatically in the past three decades. The concentration of wealth, the mobility of capital, the globalization of financial markets and the existence of a number of very large nodes of economic power have destroyed the balance of power. In order to ensure the continuity of their financing, most European governments have become mere executors of policies that come down from “the markets”, via organizations such as the IMF, ECB, or the EC itself. Only a few large nations (such as the USA and China) have the capability to stand up to this power, and until a true banking union goes into effect, the ECB will not be able to act in the same manner as the Federal Reserve or the Bank of China. In Europe, meanwhile, constitutions are hastily amended to guarantee the repayment of loans, even if it means closing down hospitals (Spain); and prime ministers are changed when they don’t accept their instructions (Italy). I’m not defending Berlusconi, nor do I think that the Spanish constitution is untouchable, but these are extreme signs of impotence ... As I read recently in relation to Europe: “States no longer have the power to decide on those matters that are truly important”.
The dilemma. Those of us who are not comfortable with the functioning of our state, can take one of two paths to fight this impotence. One path goes bottom-up: to reinforce the power of the EU so that it can play a significant role in opposing the markets. The second path is top-down: to build, with all the limitations of the 21st century, our own state. How should we act when faced with this dilemma? It would be worrying if, as appears to be happening, our efforts toward the second option were detrimental to the first.
I think that the mistake is to present this as a dilemma without accepting the perspective of a reduction in state sovereignty in many areas. We want to change our relationship with Spain, but we need to intensify our relationship with the EU. We have to seek out those policies that help us to move along both paths, never taking a step backwards. I’ll give you two examples: a plural and federal Europe that replaces the Europe of nation-states will make the EU stronger and facilitate the increase of our self-rule in those areas that currently fall on the states. On the other hand, any improvement of our self-rule resulting from the disappearance or weakening of our link with the EU could seemingly bring advances, but would be ultimately negative. To achieve what we want, we should reinforce, with words and deeds, four areas: the defense of democracy, the acceptance of legality, the will to not destabilize the whole, and the capacity to negotiate and come to an agreement. With this, and a dash of patience, the future will be ours.
