A year to save politics

Josep Ramoneda
3 min
Pot passar que al final d’aquest any electoral no canviï gairebé res.

1. moving along. 2015 is certainly a key year that should lead to a new phase in Catalonia and Spain, one that ought to allow for a qualitative leap ahead in a democracy weakened by the lack of authority of those in office, undermined by corruption --a parasite that is destroying our institutions from within (how can the prosecutor possibly acknowledge that the PP cooked their books but refuse to press charges against their leadership?) and by the social damage caused by austerity policies.

The powers-that-be rarely change course unless people exercise their capacity for intimidation. They now have a chance to do so in a series of elections. There is a possible scenario of breakup --independence-- and a chance for reform --the end of bipartisan politics in Spain--, and there are several actors that, while not new in Catalonia --the multi-party system came here to stay a few years ago-- they are a new phenomenon in Spain. As a result, we are facing a volatile situation that is full of unknown quantities, with newcomer parties who have been driven into orbit by circumstances --though nobody knows how far they will travel--, and worn-out old parties carrying heavy burdens (the Bárcenas and Pujol cases being the most notorious, but hardly the only ones) whose actual endurance is unknown.

There are great expectations, even though the people lost their innocence long ago. A bad ending would be terribly frustrating. Indeed, perhaps by the end of this year there may be new avenues for change and we may have entered a phase of institutional reconstruction where the people are more at the forefront, have a greater capacity to be heard and feel respected; a phase where politics begins to regain some dignity, authority and acknowledgement. But it is equally possible that little might change after all, and that we might enter a muddled time, with the game getting muddier and even dirtier, in a climate of disappointment and underlying tension. We may even enter a time of confusion, when credible majorities are hard to pull together and we struggle to develop a culture of negotiation, a scenario that would inevitably lead to a long hangover filled with unpleasant dreams, but that might also offer some concrete chances for the more rupturistic projects, such as independence.

The people will have the last say, under a great deal of pressure, as all sorts of things are likely to occur before we go to the polls. Rajoy is sticking to his guns and will forge ahead, despite the opinion of some of those close to him. This suggests that the gloves will come off for the campaign. But, above all, we must hope that politics comes out the winner, with greater authority and independence. Otherwise, we shall see how decision-making keeps drifting towards counter-majoritarian bodies and international institutions which are beyond the oversight and elective power of the citizens, as politics becomes increasingly insignificant. It is a decisive year for the people to take ownership of politics and to strengthen it.

2. hoarding. It is a pity that a memorial service for the victims of the plane crash in the Alps should have become a point of contention because this was meant to be about the victims, their families and friends. But the circumstances surrounding the event illustrate the nature of the current relationship between religion and democratic institutions. The Catholic church keeps expecting to get the lion’s share. Some of its leaders, such as cardinal Sistach, still believe that they have some sort of ownership rights over society. He refused to allow an interreligious service arguing that most of the attending families were Catholic. The ceremony took place in Sagrada Família, which is the main source of income for the Barcelona diocese and the church that Gaudí used to refer to as “the cathedral of the poor”. When Sistach was asked if the temple would honour that motto, he hinted that the priority was to keep the visitors coming in order to fill the coffers of the Church.

The service was announced as a state funeral, with the King and the Queen in attendance, together with the main political authorities, in an effort to underscore the institutional and exceptional nature of the event. In a non-confessional democratic state, such a funeral should have been a secular ceremony rather than a religious service, be it Catholic or ecumenical. But in a country where the Catholic leadership always feels entitled to hoard every opportunity that arises, such things are yet to be learnt. More homework to think up the country we want.

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